Persian Gulf War Essay -- essays research papers

The Persian Gulf War all started because of one country’s greed for oil. Iraq accused Kuwait of pumping oil and not sharing the benfits, and Kuwait was pumping more oil than allowed under quotas set by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, it decreased the price of oil, Iraq's main export. Iraq's complaints against Kuwait grew more and more harsh, but they were mostly about money. When Iraqi forces began to assemble near the Kuwaiti border in the summer of 1990, several Arab states tried to intervene the dispute. Kuwait didn’t want to look weak so they didn’t ask for any help from the United States or other non-Arab powers for support. Arab mediators convinced Iraq and Kuwait to negotiate their differences in Saudi Arabia, on August 1, 1990, but that meeting resulted only in charges and countercharges. A second meeting was planned to take place in Baghdad, the Iraqi capital, but Iraq invaded Kuwait the next day, leading some people to think that Ira qi president Saddam Hussein had planned the invasion all along.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Iraqi attack began shortly after midnight on August 2. About 150,000 Iraqi troops, many of them veterans of the Iran-Iraq War, easily overwhelmed the unprepared and inexperienced Kuwaiti forces, which numbered about 20,000. By dawn Iraq had assumed control of Kuwait City, the capital, and was soon in complete control of the country. The United Nation Security Council and the Arab League immediately condemned the Iraqi invasion. Four days later, the Security Council forced an economic restriction on Iraq that forbidden nearly all trades with Iraq. Any armed attempt to roll back the Iraqi invasion depended on Saudi Arabia, which shares a border with Iraq and Kuwait. Saudi Arabia didn’t have the power to fight Iraq alone .So Saudi rulers did eventually open the country to foreign forces, in mainly because they were worried by Iraq's aggressive negotiations also U.S. intelligence reports claimed that Iraqi forces were well positioned for a strike against Sa udi Arabia. Beginning a week after the Iraqi take over of Kuwait and continuing for several months, a large international force called the â€Å"international coalition† gathered in Saudi Arabia. The United States sent more than 400,000 troops, and more than 200,000 additional troops came from Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom, France, Kuwait, Egypt, Syria, Sene... ...ps. The UN continued to maintain most of the economic restriction on Iraq after the war, and several coalition countries enforced other sanctions. The sanctions allowed Iraq to sell limited amounts of oil for food and medicine if it also designated some of the revenue to pay for damages caused by the war. Until December 1996, Iraq rejected this deal as an violation on its power. Hussein also complicated matters by mobilizing forces on the Kuwaiti border in late 1994 and by interfering with the work of UN inspectors. This interference almost led to new military conflict in 1998, but a UN binding agreement allowing the inspectors to resume work averted the immediate crisis. Reports that Iraq was continuing to block inspections prompted the United States and Britain to launch a four-day series of air strikes on Iraqi military and industrial targets in December. In response, Iraq stated that it would no longer comply with UN inspection teams, called for an end to the sanctions, and t hreatened to fire on aircraft patrolling the no-fly zones. Through early 1999, Iraq continued to challenge the patrols, and British and U.S. planes struck Iraqi missile launch sites and other targets.

Gender Equality and the Law Essay -- Feminism Equality Social Issues E

Gender Equality and the Law One of Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s primary goals of the Women’s Rights Project’s litigation was to prove that stereotypical treatment of gender under the law was unconstitutional. It was Ginsburg’s goal to make the Court realize that â€Å"the law’s differential treatment of men and women, rationalized as reflecting â€Å"natural† differences between the sexes, historically had tended to contribute to women’s subordination† (Ginsburg 11). Ginsburg carefully selected cases which she felt would produce the greatest results. To do this, she â€Å"pursue(d) a series of cases that illuminate(d) the most common instances of gender distinctions in the law (Ginsburg 14). In three cases, Reed v. Reed, Frontiero v. Richardson, and Craig v. Boren, Ginsburg was successful in arguing that legal distinctions on the basis of sex qualified as suspect classifications. Therefore the state must show a compelling interest in its legislation, and â€Å" must demonstrate that the means are necessarily related to the ends sought to be achieved by the statue and are the least restrictive† (Mezey 16). Today, it is debatable whether women are equal to men in the eyes of the law. However, without the Women’s Rights Project’s litigation of the nineteen seventies, women would be remain subjected to stereotypical legal treatment and thus would still be regulated to an inferior status of citizenship. The first case in which the Supreme Court invalidated a law which discriminated on the basis of sex became extremely important because it set the president to which many future opinions would refer. Reed v. Reed, 1971, Ginsburg argued that Sally Reed was denied equal protection which should have been protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, when her husband wa... ...udes by stating in it’s opinion for Goesart v. Cleary 1948, that â€Å"Michigan could, beyond question, forbid all women from working behind a bar† (Goldstein 102 ). However, in 1976 the Supreme Court â€Å"refused to approve laws which were based on archaic and overbroad generalizations or on old notions of role typing† (Mezey 19). Clearly, great strides have been taken towards anti stereotypical legislation, in roughly a quarter of a century. Legal equality for women is in large part due to the Women’s Rights Project’s litigation of the nineteen seventies and the legal genius of Ruth Bader Ginsburg who made the Court scrutinize sex Discrimination cases much more closely. The result is that the Supreme Court must â€Å"test policies and practices by asking whether they integrally contribute to the maintenance of an underclass or a deprived position because of gender† (Ginsburg 20).

Islamization Under Zia Ul Haq Essay

When General Zia-ul-Haq took over as the Chief Martial Law Administrator on July 5, 1997, Islamization was given a new boost. General Zia-ul-Haq was a practicing Muslim who raised the slogan of Islam. The Islamic sentiment has always been fully alive in Pakistan. Various governments have used this to their benefit. There are people who doubt Zia’s reasons for raising the Islamic Slogan; whether it was for political purposes to counter balance Bhutto’s appeal or was it to enforce Islam in its true sense. In his first address to the nation, he declared that Islamic laws would be enforced and that earnest attention would be devoted towards establishing the Islamic society for which Pakistan has been created. General Zia wanted to bring the legal, social, economic and political institutions of the country in conformity with the Islamic principles, values and traditions in the light of Quran and Sunnah, to enable the people of Pakistan to lead their lives in accordance to Is lam. On December 2, 1978, General Zia-ul-Haq delivered a nationwide address on the occasion of the first day of theHijra calendar. He did this in order to usher in an Islamic system to Pakistan. In the speech, he accused politicians of exploiting the name of Islam, saying that â€Å"many a ruler did what they pleased in the name of Islam.† After assuming power and arresting former leader Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto on charges of murder, the task that the government was facing was how to gain legitimacy. Since the Islamist parties were already against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, they had the most influence on Zia-ul-Haq’s government. It was announced the government would enforce Nizam-e-Mustafa (Islamic System), a 180 degree turn from Pakistan’s predominantly parliamentary law, as a preliminary measure to counter what he saw as a lack of true Islam in Pakistan. Sharing the ideology of the Wahabi sect, Zia advocated purging Islam of what he considered to be impurities and innovations. He wanted to create a hard line Sunni Islamist state. His reforms were popular with Hanafi and Shia sects who faced widespread discrimination and human rights abuses during his rule. Significant and systematic changes aimed at Islamizing the legal system were initiated in 1979 and carried out under General Zia-ul-Haq. This process not only introduced religious and gender biases in Pakistan’s laws but also brought about far-reaching institutional changes in the country’s judicial system. Zia’s Islamization drive was ardently supported by religious parties,  particularly the Jamaat-i-Islami (JI), which emerged as one of his regimes key coalition partners. JI’s founder, Maulana Abul Ala Maududi, endorsed Zia’s Islamization efforts and described them â€Å"as the renewal of the covenant between the government of Pakistan and Islam† (Haqqani, 2005, p.139). In turn, Zia’s support and patronage of the JI allowed the party to gain a foothold in the government so much so that crucial ministries, such as the Ministry of Information, were allocated to JI nominees. However, state sponsored Islamization intensified sectarian divisions between the Sunnis and the Shias 1 who opposed the application of the Hanafi fiqh in areas such as Zakat (Islamic tax) rather than Ja’fari fiqh, which they follow. The Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Fiqh-e- Jafari (INJF-Movement for the Establishment of the Shia Fiqh) was formed in 1979 and led Shia opposition to some of the measures instituted by Zia (Talbot, 2005). The Islamic conservatism and the Islamic state became Zia’s primary policy of his military government. Intensified Islamic Policies to radicalize the country had the West worried. The secular socialist orientation and socialist economics process was an attempt to upset to Pakistan’s order of operation on a routine life, as Zia maintained. General Zia rejected Bhutto’s philosophy and was reported to highly hostile of Bhutto’s philosophical rationale, â€Å"Food, Clothing, and Shelter.† General Zia defended his policies in an interview in 1979 given to British journalist Ian Stephens, as he puts it. â€Å"The basis of Pakistan was Islam. The basis of Pakistan was Muslims in the subcontinent are a separate culture. It was the Two-Nation Theory that carved out of the subcontinent as Pakistan. Mr. Bhutto’s way of flourishing way of this Society was by eroding its moral fiber. Mr. Bhutto eroded the moral fiber of the society by pitching students against teachers, children against their parents, landlord against tenants, workers against mill owners. Pakistanis not incapable of economic productions. It is because Pakistanis have been made to believe that one can earn without working. We are going back to Islam not by choice but by the force of circumstances. It is not I or my government that is imposing Islam. It was the 99 percent of people wanted; the street violence against Bhutto reflected the people’s desire of wanting just as the campaign for Pakistan Movement. I am just giving the people what they want.† In 1983, Nusrat Bhutto reasoned General Zia’s policies as she puts it: â€Å"The (scream) and the horrors of 1971 war†¦.  are (still) alive and vivid in the hearts and the minds of people of [Pakistan]†¦. Therefore, General Zia insanely†¦. used the â€Å"Islam [card]†Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. to ensure the survival of his own regime†¦Ã¢â‚¬  The Government of Zia-ul-Haq took a number of steps to eradicate non-Islamic practices from the country. He introduced the Zakat, Usher, Islamic Hadood and Penal code in the country. Prohibition Order Drinking of wine (i.e. all alcoholic drinks) was not a crime at all under the Pakistan Penal Code. In 1977, however, the drinking and selling of wine by Muslims was banned in Pakistan and a sentence of imprisonment of six months or a fine of Rs. 5000/-, or both, was provided in that law. Under the Prohibition Order, these provisions of law were replaced by the punishment of eighty stripes, for which an ijma of the companions of Muhammad ever since the period of the Second Caliph Omar was cited. However, the law does not apply to non-Muslims, who can possess a license to drink and/or manufacture alcoholic beverages from the government. Prayer timings Instructions were issued for regular observance of prayers and arrangements were made for performing noon prayer (Salat Al Zuhur) in government and quasi-government offices and educational institutions, during office hours, and official functions, and at airports, railway stations and bus stops Reverence for fasting Ordinance An â€Å"Ehtram-e-Ramazan† (reverence for fasting) Ordinance was issued providing that complete sanctity be observed during the Islamic month of Ramazan, including the closure of cinema houses three hours after the Maghreb (post-sunset) prayers. Definition of Muslim By amending the constitution, General Zia also provided the following definition of a Muslim and a non-Muslim * (a) â€Å"Muslim† means a person who believes in the unity and oneness of Almighty Allah, in the absolute and unqualified finality of the Prophet hood of Muhammad, the last of the prophets, and does not believe in, or recognize as a prophet or religious reformer, any person who claimed to be a prophet in any sense of the word or of any description, whatsoever, after Muhammad. * (b) â€Å"Non-Muslim† means  a person who is not a Muslim and includes a person belonging to the Christian, Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, or Parsi community, a person of the Qadiani Group or the Lahori Group [i.e. Ahmadis] or a person belonging to any of the scheduled castes. A Federal Shariah Court was established to decide cases according to the teachings of the Holy Quran and Sunnah. Appeals against the Lower and High Courts were to be presented before the Shariah Court for hearing. Blasp hemy of the Holy Prophet (S. A. W.) would now be punishable by death instead of life imprisonment. Zia-ul-Haq selected his Majlis-i-Shoora in 1980. It was to be the Islamic Parliament and act as the Parliament of Pakistan in place of the National Assembly. Most of the members of the Shoora were intellectuals, scholars, ulema, journalists, economists and professionals belonging to different fields of life. The Shoora was to act as a board of advisors for the President. A number of other Islamization programs were carried out including the teaching of Islamic Studies and Arabic, which were made compulsory. Pakistan Studies and Islamic Studies were made compulsorily for B. A., B. Sc., Engineering, M. B. B. S., Commerce, Law and Nursing students. For professional studies, extra marks were given to people who were Hafiz-e-Quran. General Zia-ul-Haq wanted to make Pakistan the citadel of Islam so that it could play an honorable and prominent role for the Islamic world. The steps taken by General Zia were in this direction and had a long-term impact; the Zakat tax introduced by General Zia still holds and so does many of his the other laws. On the other hand Islamization was sometimes used as a political process. Zia’s interpretation of Islam may have contributed to the rise of fundamentalism, obscurantism and retrogression. Since the death of General Zia in 1988, inconsistency and instability has prevailed in Pakistani laws. Instability means that the law is frequently changing or is under threat of change because of differences of opinion among the ruling factions. Three of the most obvious inconsistencies in Zia’s Islamic law are: * Those between legal norms and socially observed norms; * Those between statutory legal norms and the norms applied in practice in the courts (e.g. Hadd is difficult to implement as confession, retraction of confession and strict standards of proof make it difficult to execute); *  Those between different formal legal norms (e.g. non-compliance with the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance is compromised by the courts but is strictly punished under the Zina Ordinance). Another example of this contradiction is that the constitution assures women equal status on the one hand but, on the other hand, they are greatly discriminated in criminal law. http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2008316story_16-3-2008_pg3_3 http://ijazulhaq.com/zia/biogrophy1.html http://www.rationalistinternational.net/Shaikh/blasphemy_laws_in_pakistan.htm

Raphael’s Triumph of Galatea from 1512

Art is interesting because it is simultaneously distinct and contextual: great art stands on its own, but it also stands in the shadow of that which has come before, and serves as the guiding light to cast the shadows of that which will come after it. Two paintings which share a number of similarities and differences are Raphael’s Triumph of Galatea from 1512 and Bronzino’s Venus, Cupid, Folly, and Time from 1546. Each work concentrates on representing mythological characters and events, and concerns itself with notions of love.However, Raphel’s work represents love and beauty as archetypal, more abstract concepts, where Bronzino’s work has achieved both fame and infamy for its sexual overtones, emphasizing erotic love. Raphael’s painting is a fresco, and uses more washed-out colors to represent the dream-like aspect of the events: even as Galatea is on the cusp of divination, the world becomes less real to her, and more dream-like, which is what th e painting attempts to emphasize.Bronzino’s work emphasizes flesh-colors to bring out the striking nudity of its characters, as well as the barely-concealed sexual nature of the proceedings. Bronzino draws the eye to the sexual proceedings between Cupid and Venus by putting Venus in the foreground, which contrasts quite well with Raphael’s focus on the nymph: while she is centered and obviously the focus of the work (the eyes are inevitably drawn to her), but she is drawn to the same scale (relative to the viewer) as the other mythological figures of the work.Additionally, while each work uses mythological characters, each does so to a very different end: in focusing on ascension to divinity, Raphael concentrates on this event as the culmination of earthly beauty becoming transcendent†¦something to which even we mere mortals can aspire. By contrast, Bronzino’s work serves an allegorical function: the borderline incestuous events that are being enacted by Ve nus and Cupid are being overseen by Folly (looking pleased, as an unsubtle indicator that their action is a foolish one) and a horrified Father Time.Other characters are in similar â€Å"reaction shots† of shock and horror. While both Raphael and Bronzino were Italian, their works were products of very different cultural movements. The allegorical art of Bronzino is the textbook ideal of Mannerism: it is intellectual and thought-provoking while at the same time drawing attention to the artificial nature of what is being portrayed.Arguably, such works function more as spectacle than art, as part of the work’s power lies not within the work itself, but in the reaction it engenders from others. Raphael, of course, epitomized the use of the fresco: being painted to complement the opulence of a home, it focuses on the aspects that the rich commissioner wishes to see in himself (the intersection between earthly existence and spiritual divinity is, of course, featured in the home of someone who earnestly hopes their earthly wealth can be tempered by spiritual riches).Obviously, Raphael and Bronzino utilized different mediums in different time periods to represent different events. However, it is striking how, regarding subject matter, each one approached things so differently. Raphael treated the mythological characters with an almost historical focus, and chose to highlight the spirituality and divinity of a single mythological event.Bronzino’s work takes on the nature of a grotesque hypothetical, and serves to remind cultured art aficionados that the decadence of the mythological characters that they so love is nothing to be admired or emulated. Each artist, however, was concerned with what beauty was, whether that answer is spiritual or simple practical: whether it concerns transcendent godly love or simple earthly passion. In the debate between these two points of view, the substance of their art lives forever.

Prison Is Not a Cure for Crime Essay

There has been a great deal written about the fact that the number of crimes have dramatically increased in recent years. Educators have debated whether criminals should be put in jail or not. One idea that has received much attention is that prison plays an important role to reduce criminals. This essay will explain that prison is a cure for crime as fas as punishment for offenders and transformation of criminals into better citizens are concerned. One of the most important reasons why prison is a cure for crimes is that it is a punishment for culprits. For one thing, when someone commits a crime or does not obey to the law, he must be punished. In other words, offenders have to pay because of their wrong behaviours. For example, one of my friends who has committed a serious offence such as assault must spend a long time in jail. In addition to this, a long-term prison sentence will act as a deterrent for someone who is thinking about committing a crime. For another, innocent citizens will be hurt by culprits if government do not lock them into cells. Many countries use prisons like a tool in order to isolate and separate criminals from community. Public will live under constant fear when culprit’s have freedom outside prison. For instance, it would be difficult for an ordinary person if a murderer is living next to his door instead of in jail. Another reason is that the crucial purpose of prison is rehabilitation of criminals. First,many researchers claim that prison is a place where offenders have an opportunity to learn to be responsible for their mistakes. If someone behaves badly/ , other people should allow them to see what they have done is guilty whilst in prison, where they will learn how to prevent themselves from the evils. Criminals should be educated in prison in order to be sure they can be more and aware of their actions and not to re-offend. Also, jail provides culprits some skills in which they will be able to gradually make their way back into society without being discriminated for their work. For example, my close relative was sentenced for two years in jail when he committed multiple thefts. In prison, he realized several/ quite a few valuable lessons about life. After his release/ being released, his in-prison education/ training and skills helped him to turn into a good citizen. It is clear that priso n serves a great purpose to the community when criminals are steered in the right direction as well. Opponents of imprisonment may claim that prison is a convenient environment to help criminals learn a lot of skills to commit even more severe crimes. Moreover, the fact that governments put offenders to jail does not help to decrease the number of ctiminals. They have a point in thinking like that. On the other hand, they forget why we should put criminals to jail. The answer for this question is the more freedom offenders have, the more serious evils are conducted. For these reasons, jail is the best solution to limitation of crimes in the community. In conclusion, it is undenianle that prison serves a function in educating criminals. First, it helps to turn bad people into good ones before giving them the socond chance to rehabilitate. Furthermore, those who are guilty deserve the serve punishment so as not to re-offend. If this trend continues, the work will be a much safer place to live in and parents will be no longer frightened of the evils awaiting for their children.

Nanotechnology benefits and effects in military application Essay

Nanotechnology benefits and effects in military application - Essay Example Various debates have been held by different researching groups and governments to discuss the implications of nanotechnology in future. This is because the technology has a potential of creating many materials and devices that have wide applications in fields such as energy, medicine, military, engineering, computing and electronics. In fact, the military field started early to appreciate the significance of nanotechnology and expects more from it. The field has actually spent a lot of money researching on it than any other field. Despite the good results that have emerged and still expected to emerge as a result of nanotechnology, it has raised other issues of concern which include the potential effects of nanomaterials on the global economy, the impacts of nanomaterials in the environment, its effects on health and other speculative issues (Roco, 2006). Therefore, the advocacy groups and governments have been debating whether it is possible to warrant special regulations on nanotec hnology. This essay discusses the benefits and effects of nanotechnology in military. Nanotechnology has various benefits in the military field. First, nanotechnology helps to create the uniform materials for the soldiers. The idea behind using nanotechnology to make soldier’s uniforms is to make them more comfortable, more lightweight and more high tech. In addition, nanoparticles can be injected on the materials used to make solder’s uniforms to make them more durable, and to protect the soldiers from dangerous effects like high temperatures and chemical effects. The nanoparticles put on the uniform’s material protect soldiers by combining together when a suspicious thing hits the armor hardening the area that is hit. This act of stiffening helps to reduce the impact of that thing that hit or stroke the armor. By lessening the impact force, the soldiers wearing the uniform are protected from the injuries they would have

The earning inequality in Israel Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

The earning inequality in Israel - Assignment Example Often, the media houses have covered this story focusing on issues relative to Israeli’s economy. The United States, a close follower of Israel’s practices, has acted against the discrimination challenge in the past as it reflects negatively on the countries well-built reputation (Plaut, 2014). Naturally, Israel is the only state in the Middle East lacking an apartheid regime and looking at its success, as a developed country; it faces no threats from rivals and defamers. This condition makes Israel’s practices a dream for most of the western countries. A decade ago, discrimination was the country’s most pressing challenge but today, things have taken an influential step. The most worrying characteristic of Israel is the growing income inequality. It became prevalent a few years ago and in 2015, it attracts the attention of most states, organizations and international corporations (Filut, 2015). As from April 2015, Israel ranks at number 15 in labor productivity of the international economies. This fact is from the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) most recent report. Israel has had a record increase in labor productivity for a limited time with more than three million people in the country having standard jobs. World’s leading countries such as China, United Kingdom or even South Korea are yet to attain Israel’s current labor productivity. However, the OECD claims as much as Israel has made improvements, the country’s economy is in an awkward position because they are 4% out of their constant track as depicted in the past two decades (Filut, 2015). The economic growth continues to increase gradually because of the variations in labor productivity - over three times that of the major emerging markets. This might seem impressive but China, Indonesia, Brazil and Russia have had over 100% productive increase in less than a decade, which shows they are most likely to surpass Israel in due time (Matthew,